Kasaï: a symptomatic crisis of Congolese ills?

December 22, 2017

Article, Human rights, Development education, Elections, Migration, Conflict prevention, DR Congo, Natural resources

The crisis that has been affecting the Greater Kasai region for more than a year has had dramatic consequences on the populations: more than 1.5 million people have been displaced and 35,000 people have taken refuge in neighboring Angola. This crisis, although it is rooted in specific local tensions, seems to catalyze several dynamics which are affecting the country as a whole today.

Introduction In Kasai, more than 1.5 million people had to flee the violence by hiding in the bush and more than 35,000 others who sought refuge in neighboring Angola. These significant population movements are the result of a crisis that has been raging in the region since August 2016. Belgium, the European Union and the entire international community can play a role in the face of this dramatic situation which affects millions of people. Congolese. The DR Congo is subject to many ills, and it is most often towards the East that we turn when we talk about conflict. However, the Kasai crisis also deserves the full attention of international observers because of its seriousness and the dramatic consequences it has had and still has on the populations. Although anchored on specific local differences and tensions, the Kasai crisis reveals itself to be emblematic of the contradictions which today cross the DR Congo as a whole. It indeed seems to catalyze several dynamics that cross the country and it is therefore interesting to “read” the specific conflict in Kasai through other more global and transversal themes. In addition to the general decline of the Congolese state, which no longer assumes its sovereign powers, there is a major political crisis due to the blocking of the electoral process since 2016. The country is also experiencing a generalized context of poverty and discontent among the population, including fundamental rights are still not guaranteed, which raises the question of the governance of the natural resources with which the country abounds, and the redistribution of wealth resulting from them. At the same time, the Kasai crisis is affected by more specific dichotomous dynamics which are also found in other regions of the country in conflict. Throughout this analysis, we propose to return, through the example of Kasai, to three oppositions: “customary vs. national authority”, “emergency vs. development” and finally “foreign interventionism vs. national inaction”. Although they may at first seem antagonistic, these dynamics often turn out to be complementary. We observe that the responses to the conflict are often the result of the combined efforts of several actors, whose action compensates for those of the Congolese State which, not being able to provide solutions, is often " supported” by the latter. Understanding (the origins of) the Kasai crisis: between customary and national authority The death of Jean Prince Mpandi, in the assault on his village by national security forces on August 12, 2016, marks the beginning of a devastating and unprecedented in the Grand Kasai region. To understand the resonance that the death of this customary chief Kamuina Nsapu (named after a village and a royal lineage) had, it is essential to return to the importance of customary tradition in this region. The Dibataie sector, made up of a group of villages 70 kilometers southeast of Kanaga, stronghold of chief Kamuina Nsapu, is “one of the most homogeneous » it is made up of an ethnic group (the Bajila Kasanga), a language (Thsiluba), and is organized around a single leader. Faced with the shortcomings of the national authorities in this landlocked region, where communication routes are greatly lacking, customary chiefdoms occupy an essential place in the organization of communities, just like the Church. Also, the law relating to the status of customary leaders, promulgated by the central state in August 2015, is viewed negatively in the region. This law provides that a locally designated customary leader must be approved by the central government and may, at any time, be dismissed by it. Very quickly, the perverse effects of this reform were felt: certain localities already equipped with their traditional leader saw the arrival in their region of new leaders mandated by Kinshasa. The problem of the duality of customary leaders is posed. This reality is illustrated for example in the village of Jean Prince Mpandi, sixth Kamuina Nsapu customary chief, designated according to traditional rules, who sees his status threatened since the Kinshasa authorities refuse to recognize him. The appointment of customary leaders in this area follows very specific processes. The chief is designated according to strict kinship rules within the Kamuina Nsapu royal family, he is then approved by the council of elders. However, the law establishing the status of customary leaders has completely disrupted the established order in this area. Jean Prince Mpandi quickly rebelled against this upheaval and decided to raise his voice against this intrusion by central power into the customary rules established long ago in the region. Scenes of rebellion quickly broke out in the surrounding area. Chief Kamuina Nsapu Mpandi is accused of wanting to destabilize the regime, so the authorities attempt several negotiations with the latter who, however, remains inflexible on his position. It will cost him his life. The death of the leader sets off a chain reaction and leads to the rapid conflagration of the region. United around the desire to avenge their leader, to protect local traditions and to express their refusal of central authority, the Kamuina Nsapu militia, named after the deceased leader, quickly saw the light of day. She recruited many young people into her ranks; it is estimated that 40 to 60% of Kamuina Nsapu recruits were between 8 and 18 years old. The death of the chief also had the effect of reviving many customary rituals. The militiamen participate in initiation rituals in the “ tshiota », during which a potion of invincibility is drunk by the initiates. Kamuina Nsapu militiamen can be recognized by the red headband that adorns their heads and the protective amulets they wear. They generally have fairly basic weapons: machetes, sticks, a few Kalashnikov-type firearms or even wooden replicas of the latter. Belief in these symbols (fetish, potion, wooden weapon) partly explains the considerable number of deaths to be deplored in their ranks since the start of the conflict. The militiamen demonstrate a clear rejection of any public institution. Attacks against state symbols are increasing rapidly: administration buildings, schools, health centers are destroyed and burned, state representatives are attacked, beheaded, killed . The Kamuina Nsapu militiamen are rebelling against interference in their affairs, they are fueling their demands in the frustrations they have had with regard to power for a long time (feeling of abandonment, refusal of poverty, etc.). The Church was not spared either. The Kamuina Nsapu militiamen, in their destructive frenzy against representations and symbols of the State, also attacked, damaged and burned Church property, ecclesiastical buildings, as well as health and school structures. dependent on the Church. This violence is explained by the collusion that the Kamuina Nsapu perceive between the latter and those in power. We recall in this regard that the Congolese National Episcopal Conference (CENCO) led the New Year's Eve negotiations in December 2016 to organize the elections which, more than a year later, have still not taken place. Also, some have accused the Church of having, through these negotiations, allowed President Joseph Kabila to remain at the head of state after the expiration of his mandate. The Church, despite its good offices, is today faced with a clear lack of will from the Congolese authorities to implement the provisions of this agreement – which initially provided for elections for December 2017 at the latest. The destruction suffered by the Church must therefore be placed in this particular context of massive rejection of anything that can be assimilated to the national authorities or their “support”. Concentrated initially around the capital of the insurrection, the violence generalize from December 2016, to all the new provinces of Grand Kasaï. The Kamuina Nsapu were guilty of acts of rare violence against representatives of the State. These acts have been described as human rights violations by the United Nations (UN). . Violence against the population has been relatively limited. When they did take place, they were often motivated by suspicions of witchcraft. Faced with this insurrection, the State sends its troops and responds with force and repression. The FARDC, sent to stop the Kamuina Nsapu insurgency, are held responsible for multiple cases of disproportionate use of force. Kamuina Nsapu, as well as numerous civilians accused of supporting or facilitating the action of the militia, were killed. A United Nations report also details cases of children killed and women raped during army intervention. In Mwanza Lomba, soldiers filmed themselves firing live ammunition in the street; This video caused a stir. The UN has found the armed forces guilty of the mass graves discovered in the region. In September, the UN identified 87 mass graves.

Facing these protagonists, another militia gradually appears until it becomes part of the conflict. : THE " Bana Mura ". This militia is made up of individuals of ethnic origins tchokwe, hangs And tetela. The appearance of this new actor highlights the ethnic dimension of the Kasai crisis from April 2017. The Bana Mura would have been formed on the basis of their ethnicity, and their pro-government position . If the Kamuina Nsapu attack state agents with rare violence, the Buna Mura attack the Luba and Lulua populations directly. They also participate in the destruction of villages, pillaging and burning in their path. Living in a region hitherto spared from the conflicts shaking up the DR Congo, the Kasaïan populations were shocked by the virulence of the attacks, the trivialization and generalization of this unprecedented violence. In a few months, more than 3,000 deaths were recorded by the parishes of this landlocked territory, 10 times the size of Belgium. This crisis quickly had dramatic consequences for the population and these will continue to be felt for a long time. According to UNICEF, more than 400.000 Children in the region are severely malnourished and at risk of death. CUSTOMARY AUTHORITY VS NATIONAL AUTHORITY: decentralization in question The events described above can be part of the more global reflection on the organization of power in DR Congo. What is in fact emerging in the background of this particular situation in Kasai is a dichotomy between, on the one hand, the customary authority of local authorities and on the other hand, the concentration of strong power in the hands of central authorities. The desire to bring those who govern closer to those who are governed led to the inclusion of the principle of decentralization in the 2006 Congolese Constitution. It is planned that the State will be subdivided into 25 provinces to which the city of Kinshasa will be added. However, since 2006 no progress has been made in this direction. It was in January 2015 that the national authorities finally approved the bill which ratified the new borders of the 26 provinces. But were the authorities really ready to grant more power to provincial authorities? The skills of each entity are clearly defined and specific to them. There is therefore no a priori encroachment of skills to be feared. The animosity aroused by this reform must therefore find its explanation elsewhere. Behind this reform, we can in fact read a clear desire to politicize customary leaders, desired by the central power to establish within this region, considered a historic bastion of the opposition, relays of presidential messages and to implement places strategic support in the region. The hasty redistribution of the provinces in 2015 had aroused the mistrust of the opposition which accused Kinshasa of wanting to reorganize the province in such a way as to optimize the distribution of the ethnic groups present to its advantage with a view to the upcoming elections - and in particular the Luba who are mostly rallied to the opposition. Rather than a frank opposition between these two levels of power, we can see in the decentralization process a complementarity of the latter, as a solution to compensate for the governance shortcomings of the central State. Thus, beyond the stabilization and community reconciliation efforts to be carried out following the recent conflict, it is important for the future of the region to enshrine the decentralization process with respect for customary authority. This mode of governance was chosen by the Congolese who enshrined it in their Constitution. It is also necessary to overcome the antagonisms brutally revealed by the crisis, by identifying points of convergence towards common and shared interests between central and local authorities. Responses to the crisis: between emergency and development The crisis has experienced a relative lull since the beginning of autumn 2017, but its consequences and the challenges facing populations today are considerable. Furthermore, the conditions and circumstances that gave rise to the conflict are still very present in the Kasai landscape, so we cannot exclude possible resumption of violence. The situation remains unstable. Massive population movements have been observed in the region: there are more than 1.5 million internally displaced people and nearly 35 000 people who went to seek refuge in Angola. In the first half of 2017 alone, more than 5,500 people had to flee their homes every day. A painful observation making the DR Congo the most affected country around the world through internal displacement due to conflict. Throughout the Congolese territory there are 4.1 million displaced – displaced people from Kasai represent more than a third. In the case of Kasai, the displaced people, after several weeks of walking, mostly took refuge in the bush. There, they lived in very precarious conditions: little water and food, critical sanitary conditions resulting in the development of diseases and hunger. They were also confronted with the danger posed by the presence of wild beasts in this hostile environment. People often fell into debt with neighboring villagers who tried to support these families with food and the meager aid they were able to provide. Certain populations, traumatized and haunted by sordid images, do not consider returning to their village. At the same time, and given the relative stabilization of the situation in certain areas of Kasai, we are observing a movement of populations to return to their villages of origin. In October 2017, the UNHCR estimated that 710,000 people had returned. However, 762,000 remain displaced as well as 27,555 who are still outside the country, mainly in Angola. This return movement poses considerable challenges. These are villages often pillaged, even burned, that the displaced find. Reconstruction work has begun, but we must not neglect that these populations have nothing left. The humanitarian monitoring system and rapid response to population movements (RRMP) Caritas International has set up a humanitarian monitoring system in DR Congo which makes it possible to quickly transmit information concerning population movements across the country in order to best respond to their humanitarian needs. The network of informants spreads throughout the country, since each watchman reports daily information concerning his area. The rapid response system for population movements then comes into action and delivers the necessary goods and food to the affected populations in less than 30 days from the moment the alert is given. The monitoring system set up by Caritas International, in partnership with Caritas Congo and the diocesan Caritas of Kasaï, is distributed to other organizations present on the ground who then use it for their humanitarian deployment. Thanks to the information received by monitoring, they can quickly locate where the affected populations are, estimate their number as well as the nature of their needs. In the Kasai region, Caritas International Belgium works in close collaboration with Solidarité Internationale, which carries out distributions to displaced people returning to their homes. Basic “return kits” are delivered to them (loincloths, pots, tarpaulins, blankets, cash or even access to water through a “wash” program). Distributions are currently taking place in the Kapangu zone and are opening in the Kamiji zone. 11,3000 households (of around 5 people) benefit from the project. In this region, the populations depend mainly on subsistence agriculture – that is to say that the harvests allow them to live and feed themselves but that the production is not sufficient to earn income from it. able to ensure their access to the market, health or education. On their return, these populations found fields emptied of their crops. Their stay in the bush also prevented them from planting for the next season. It is estimated that the majority of populations have missed three seasons consecutive plantings. Seeds and agricultural tools are missing today and the lean period heavily affects household resilience. Two observations stand out: the first being that populations today lack food to meet their immediate, short-term needs. The second, even more serious, results from not being able to plant in time, and portends a worrying increase in food insecurity in the months to come. Indeed on the 7.7 million of people suffering from food insecurity in DR Congo, 3.2 million people are in a situation of severe food insecurity, 66% of whom are in the Kasai region. Food insecurity is increase (compared to March 2016) of 323% in Kasaï Central, 279% in Kasaï and 97% in Kasaï Oriental. And perspectives coming don't seem to be getting any better. In the Kasai province, corn production fell by almost a quarter compared to 2015, resulting in prices soaring to +150% in the region. The tensions aroused by the arrival of approximately 35,000 refugees in Angola contributed to exacerbating this food crisis since Angola, which closed its borders to trade, is normally a major supplier of foodstuffs. In addition to livelihood challenges, people also face health challenges such as the cholera epidemic which is spreading across the region, as in the rest of the country – 20 of 26 provincess of the country are affected by the epidemic. “ We are an international community sharing the same humanity. Elsewhere the suffering is heard. We are rushing to provide help. Why the hesitation in my province? » Mgr Félicien Mwanama – Bishop of Luiza, Kasaï-Central Finally, challenges also await the populations within their community. The numerous young people enlisted in the militias came from villages in the region. Once demobilized, they will need psycho-social support. Their return to their community will require significant work of reintegration, reconciliation and collective memory. These processes must be driven by local actors (of whatever type: civil society organizations, public authorities, Church, etc.) and be part of a long-term perspective to restore calm and stability in the region. For the reconstruction of peace, we must strengthen the structures of dialogue and facilitate the establishment of places of exchange. The wounds of inter-ethnic conflicts will also have to be healed and taken care of within the framework of formal structures. There is an urgent need to respond to the humanitarian needs of the region's population. The lack of funding for this humanitarian crisis is worrying: of the 64.5 million dollars deemed necessary to respond to the crisis, only 30% are actually funded today. Behind these figures, there are women, men and children who are suffering. The international community must combine its efforts with those of the Congolese authorities to respond to the pressing needs of these populations as quickly as possible.. These challenges are considerable, and even more so if we put them into perspective with the means available in the region to respond to them. The Kasai are in fact one of the poorest areas of the DR Congo, despite their underground wealth. The issue of governance of natural resources is present throughout the Congolese territory and the Kasai are no exception. Diamond mines are the region's historic economic engine and its main employer. The bankruptcy of the mining company of MIBA and SNCC had dramatic effects for the Kasaians. Income derived from the exploitation of natural resources is not redistributed and does not benefit the population. The presence of these resources should, however, contribute fully to the economic growth of the region through the redistribution of revenue to provincial authorities. But poor governance hampers these development prospects. “ If you travel through the countryside, the fields are in the hands of women. Men are traditionally in the artisanal mining sector, diamond mining, living off the small stones they can find day to day. To meet the daily needs of the household, we buy small goods which we resell if we cannot find anything. And this is the reproduction of the cycle of poverty. » Jean Nyemba Ambela – Head of the agricultural component, CRS Mbujimayi If a direct cause and effect link cannot be established between the explosion of the Kasai crisis and the presence of natural resources in the region, its impact must not be neglected. overall. The massive rejection of the state institution by the Kamuina Nsapu is probably fueled and nourished by a feeling of frustration and discouragement in the face of daily misery and the absence of prospects for a better future among young people. In this regard, we recall that the ranks of the Kamuina Nsapu were full of young individuals. We must not neglect the question of longer-term development of the region. This will notably involve the reasoned and inclusive exploitation of the natural resources present in the region, as well as the balanced redistribution of its benefits to the population. This would in particular make it possible to establish the fundamental socio-economic rights of the Kasai people and more particularly to offer opportunities to the younger generations. Thinking about development means establishing lasting peace for the region. In a region where everything needs to be built, there are many priorities. Strengthening agricultural capacities, both for production and for drying, conservation and storage methods, seems crucial to enable better resilience of populations in the event of a crisis. Finally, and this is essential, particular attention must be paid to young people by strengthening their access to education. Forced displacement, destruction of schools, recruitment into militias, make children and young people the main victims of this conflict. By exposing young people to such situations, the entire future of the region is jeopardized.. “ We are in a province where the population has not studied. Young people work in diamond mines. And we observe an exploitation of the ignorance of the Kasaians. But the current situation is the result of a long path in poverty » Alphonse Nkongolo Mulami – Director, Caritas Mbujimayi Greater Kasai is a region that had been relatively spared from violent conflicts until now. This brutality surprised the populations – as well as international and humanitarian organizations in an area that they know less well than the east of the country where their operations have been concentrated over the last 20 years. Actors of change: between external interventionism and national inaction? Despite the scale of the crisis, it still remains largely unknown – both in the attention given to it and in the responses provided. We identify three key actors who have each contributed to highlighting it on the international scene: NGOs and international organizations, the Congolese State and the Church. The response of the international community has not been commensurate with the crisis that has gripped the region. Mostly concentrated in the east of the country, very few international organizations and NGOs are present in the Greater Kasai region. Despite the urgency and the considerable needs of the populations, the responses provided to the crisis remain largely insufficient. More than a year and a half after the outbreak of the crisis, few organizations are present on the ground today. Several elements explain this surprising absence. First of all, we note the slow reaction of the humanitarian system since, despite an intensification of the crisis in December 2016, the alert was only given in March 2017. Also, the funds also took time to be mobilized. . Organizations not really present in the region therefore found themselves confronted with several obstacles. First of all, the lack of sufficient resources to deploy quickly in the region. The isolation and lack of communication routes to access this area also contributed to the slow deployment of humanitarian programs. The majority of these were only implemented from the summer of 2017 – almost a year after the outbreak of the crisis. In this context of underfinancing of needs, the question of stopping the humanitarian crisis in order to achieve sustainable development in the region raises questions. The UN, represented militarily in the DR Congo by MONUSCO, was not able to contain the violence, due to its absence and the delay it experienced in deploying its forces on field. In 2012, the M23 insurrection pushed the UN authorities to redeploy their forces based in the Greater Kasai region to the east of the country. When the crisis broke out in the Kasai, MONUSCO was therefore not present in the region. But faced with the increase in violence, men are sent. Unfortunately, the latter arrive late (in December) and are very few in number (in June 2017 there are 250 peacekeepers, 25 police officers and 60 civilians deployed). Today, despite the fragility of the lull, the troops are withdrawing again. MONUSCO is in fact redirecting its troops towards the country's capital, which risks igniting at any time due to the tense electoral context. . MONUSCO and Congolese authorities have stormy relations at the national level ; the latter stand out once again in the Kasai region. In a context of tension between the two entities, the murder of the two experts Michael Sharp and Zaida Catalan, dispatched by the Secretary General to come and investigate human rights violations, the arms embargo and illegal exploitation in the region resources, only added fuel to the fire. This crime is an open affront to the international community. Some accuse the government of hiding behind the assassination of experts and of having tried to cover up this crime by attributing responsibility to the Kamuina Nsapu. On March 8, 2017, the High Commissioner for Human Rights called for the opening of an international commission of inquiry into the events in Kasai, particularly with a view to investigating the discovery of mass graves. A few days later, the two experts were assassinated. After being faced with numerous pressures and multiple refusals from the Congolese authorities, the United Nations finally mandated the opening of an international investigation. The latter should deliver its first results in March 2018. The Congolese state has not been able to ensure the protection of its population and provide an adequate response to their humanitarian needs. In this historic bastion of the opposition, cradle of the UDPS (Union for Democracy and Social Peace) and its charismatic leader Etienne Tshisekedi, many opponents and supporters of customary power do not hesitate to cry about inaction and the instrumentalization of the crisis by Kinshasa, against the backdrop of a general electoral crisis across the country. . The CENI, whose agents and installations were targeted by the militia in Kasai, noted the delay accumulated on the electoral calendar, due to failures in the local registration and electoral census process in a complex security context. Justice and Peace and its partners The Church, due to the importance of its action in the daily lives of populations, must be supported by Belgium and the members of the international community. This is why the Justice and Peace Commission supports its partners in the Congolese Church in their actions of civic education, development education and in the role it plays daily with communities. This support passes in particular through the relay that the Justice and Peace Commission intends to be for the message of its partners to Belgian and European political decision-makers. “ We appeal for international solidarity. Congo belongs to this great international community and the Congolese people aspire to well-being and democracy. It is therefore completely normal that citizens of the world can be interested in what is happening here. Our message is to ask European citizens who defend the same values as us not to forget these people, to accompany them and support them in this special moment. » Clément Makiobo, Executive Secretary, Congo Justice & Peace Commission Faced with this “empty”, another key player in the Congolese landscape has occupied the field. The Church has indeed played an essential role in the crisis. It was in particular its representatives who, at the start of the crisis, alerted the international community to the events taking place in the region, while mobilizing aid through its parishes. It is essential to underline here the role that the local Church plays on a daily basis with the Congolese population in terms of community development. Present as close as possible to the populations, the institution is today aware of the role that will be its role in the long work of reconciliation and post-conflict reconstruction with its communities. Today we can say that the Church compensates to a certain extent for the resignation of the State and thus counterbalances this image of national immobility. Conclusion As was implicitly addressed during this analysis, it is essential to understand the crisis affecting the Grand Kasai region, to put this local crisis into perspective with the underlying issues observed on a national scale. . The fair balance between customary power and the authority of the central State is not always consensual, although it is recorded in the Constitution and established as an organizing principle of the political life of the country. . This question was the trigger for an unprecedented crisis with serious consequences for the population. The latter, tired of their precarious living conditions, seized the opportunity raised by the death of a leader embodying the figure of the opponent to organize and denounce the absence of the State in the management of their daily lives. . But this crisis is symptomatic of even more transversal issues. Starting with the decay of the Congolese State which only insufficiently fulfills its sovereign functions; Worse still, it no longer manages to guarantee protection and meet the basic needs of its population. Other actors –international or religious– therefore occupy this space and compensate the State to provide solutions to the populations. But the State will not be able to avoid its accountability to its population for much longer. The ballot boxes will have to speak. At the risk, if the election takes too long, to see other unrest emerge or rise from the ashes in the rest of the country. These conflicts , and the Kasai crisis shows this, most often arise from a dispute which is part of a local specificity but which, very quickly, can reveal latent tensions which are observed in other places of the country , or even throughout the territory. These conflicts are often difficult to understand and are completely unpredictable. However, they constitute a real threat to the peace, security and development of the country since they can quickly take on unexpected proportions and thus increasingly affect the resilience of populations. In addition to the national dimension of the Kasai crisis, we must not neglect the consequences that the Congolese crises can also have repercussions on neighboring countries. Angola's response to the influx of Congolese refugees at its borders was very firm: after a first wave of reception, the borders were closed, and any passage of person or goods blocked. If we look at the impact that the crisis in eastern DRC may have had in terms of regional destabilization, we must not neglect the repercussions that could occur beyond the provinces of Grand-Kasaï and the entire region. Clara Debeve

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Kasaï: a symptomatic crisis of Congolese ills?

Notes[+]

Notes
↑1	Place where initiation rituals take place.
↑2	Among these deaths, we find members of the Armed Forces of DR Congo (FARDC), Congolese National Police (PNC), National Intelligence Agency (ANR), agents of the General Directorate of Migration (DGM) and officials of the Independent National Electoral Commission (CENI).
↑3	United Nations report, August 2017, points 51 to 62.
↑4	United Nations report, August 2017, point 14.
↑5	United Nations report, August 2017, points 35 to 50.
↑6	The period between the end of reserves from the previous harvest and the availability of products from the following harvest is called the “hunger gap”.
↑7	MIBA (Bakwanga Mining) is a diamond producing company. The SNCC (Société Nationale des Chemins de fer du Congo) allowed the transportation of the goods.
↑8	See on this subject theanalysis of the Justice and Peace Commission on the elections, December 2017.
↑9	On December 11, 2017, 15 MONUSCO peacekeepers were killed and more than 50 others injured during an armed attack in one of their bases in Semuliki (North Kivu) – Source: The world
↑10	The UDPS is one of the main opposition parties.
↑11	See on this subject theanalysis of the Justice and Peace Commission on the elections, December 2017.
↑12	We think, for example, of the conflict in Ecuador in 2010-2011 which had its origins in a fishing issue and which created more than 200,000 refugees, but also more recently in Tanganyika, the Kivus...